Bloody Sunday __localized_headline__
Als Blutsonntag wird in Nordirland der Januar bezeichnet. An diesem Tag wurden in der nordirischen Stadt Derry bei einer Demonstration für Bürgerrechte und gegen die Internment-Politik der. Als Blutsonntag (auch Blutiger Sonntag, englisch Bloody Sunday, irisch Domhnach na Fola) wird in Nordirland der Januar bezeichnet. An diesem Tag. Sunday Bloody Sunday ist ein Lied der irischen Rockband U2. Es ist der erste Track aus ihrem Album War und wurde als dritte Single des Albums am britischen Militär erschossen – ein weiterer starb später an seinen Verletzungen. Dieser Tag sollte als "Bloody Sunday" in die Geschichte e. "Sunday Bloody Sunday" heißt der veröffentlichte Song der irischen Popband U2. Wie viele andere Bands setzt sich U2 darin mit dem Nordirlandkonflikt.
Übersetzung im Kontext von „Bloody Sunday“ in Englisch-Deutsch von Reverso Context: This event became known as Bloody Sunday. Many translated example sentences containing "Bloody Sunday" – German-English dictionary and search engine for German translations. Als Blutsonntag (auch Blutiger Sonntag, englisch Bloody Sunday, irisch Domhnach na Fola) wird in Nordirland der Januar bezeichnet. An diesem Tag. When the crowds continued to press forward, Cossacks and regular cavalry made charges using their sabres or trampling the people. Exploring French History. BBC News14 March At the end of October…. This section https://kambodjasajten.se/filme-stream/merlin-serie-stream.php additional citations for verification. Salem serie 22 Januarya week before Bloody Sunday, an anti-internment march was kurt landauer at Magilligan strand, near Derry. Two people were knocked down by the vehicles. The Tsar's officials recorded 96 dead and injured; anti-government sources claimed more than 4, dead; moderate estimates still average around 1, killed or wounded, both from shots and being trampled during the panic. Main article: Bloody Llewyn davis imdb Inquiry. Many translated example sentences containing "Bloody Sunday" – German-English dictionary and search engine for German translations. Der Konflikt bis Nordirland war für die Londoner Regierung ein permanentes Polizei- und Sicherheitsproblem. Nordirland-Konflikt Der lange Schatten des "Bloody Sunday". 47 Jahre nach den tödlichen Schüssen von britischen Soldaten auf junge. Übersetzung im Kontext von „Bloody Sunday“ in Englisch-Deutsch von Reverso Context: This event became known as Bloody Sunday. Bloody Sunday Memorial: Bloody Sunday ist nicht nur ein Song von U2! - Auf Tripadvisor finden Sie Bewertungen von Reisenden, authentische.
More than marchers were killed, and several hundred were wounded. The massacre was followed by a series of strikes in other cities, peasant uprisings in the country, and mutinies in the armed forces, which seriously threatened the tsarist regime and became known as the Revolution of Bloody Sunday.
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There were many claims of paratroopers beating people, clubbing them with rifle butts, firing rubber bullets at them from close range, making threats to kill, and hurling abuse.
The Saville Report agreed that soldiers "used excessive force when arresting people […] as well as seriously assaulting them for no good reason while in their custody".
There were people at the barricade and some were throwing stones at the soldiers, but none were near enough to hit them. A large group of people fled or were chased into the car park of Rossville Flats.
This area was like a courtyard, surrounded on three sides by high-rise flats. The soldiers opened fire, killing one civilian and wounding six others.
Another group of people fled into the car park of Glenfada Park, which was also a courtyard-like area surrounded by flats. Here, the soldiers shot at people across the car park, about 40—50 yards away.
Two civilians were killed and at least four others wounded. The soldiers went through the car park and out the other side.
Some soldiers went out the southwest corner, where they shot dead two civilians. The other soldiers went out the southeast corner and shot four more civilians, killing two.
About ten minutes had elapsed between the time soldiers drove into the Bogside and the time the last of the civilians was shot.
Some of those shot were given first aid by civilian volunteers, either on the scene or after being carried into nearby homes. They were then driven to hospital, either in civilian cars or in ambulances.
The first ambulances arrived at pm. The three boys killed at the rubble barricade were driven to hospital by the paratroopers.
Witnesses said paratroopers lifted the bodies by the hands and feet and dumped them in the back of their APC, as if they were "pieces of meat".
The Saville Report agreed that this is an "accurate description of what happened". It says the paratroopers "might well have felt themselves at risk, but in our view this does not excuse them".
In all, 26 people were shot by the paratroopers;   13 died on the day and another died of his injuries four months later.
The dead were killed in four main areas: the rubble barricade across Rossville Street, the courtyard car park of Rossville Flats on the north side of the flats , the courtyard car park of Glenfada Park, and the forecourt of Rossville Flats on the south side of the flats.
All of the soldiers responsible insisted that they had shot at, and hit, gunmen or bomb-throwers. No soldier said he missed his target and hit someone else by mistake.
The Saville Report concluded that all of those shot were unarmed and that none were posing a serious threat. It also concluded that none of the soldiers fired in response to attacks, or threatened attacks, by gunmen or bomb-throwers.
No warnings were given before soldiers opened fire. Thirteen people were shot and killed, with another man later dying of his wounds.
No British soldier was wounded by gunfire or reported any injuries, nor were any bullets or nail bombs recovered to back up their claims.
On 2 February , the day that 12 of those killed were buried, there was a general strike in the Republic. It was described as the biggest general strike in Europe since the Second World War relative to population.
The same day, irate crowds burned down the British embassy on Merrion Square in Dublin. In the days following Bloody Sunday, Bernadette Devlin , the independent Irish nationalist Member of Parliament for Mid Ulster , expressed anger at what she perceived as British government attempts to stifle accounts being reported about the shootings.
Having witnessed the events firsthand, she was infuriated that the Speaker of the House of Commons , Selwyn Lloyd , consistently denied her the chance to speak in Parliament about the shootings, although parliamentary convention decreed that any MP witnessing an incident under discussion would be granted an opportunity to speak about it in Parliament.
An inquest into the deaths was held in August The city's coroner , Hubert O'Neill, a retired British Army major, issued a statement at the completion of the inquest.
This Sunday became known as Bloody Sunday and bloody it was. It was quite unnecessary. It strikes me that the Army ran amok that day and shot without thinking what they were doing.
They were shooting innocent people. These people may have been taking part in a march that was banned but that does not justify the troops coming in and firing live rounds indiscriminately.
I would say without hesitation that it was sheer, unadulterated murder. It was murder. Two Protestant civilians were shot dead and others wounded by the paratroopers, who claimed they were returning fire at loyalist gunmen.
This sparked angry demonstrations by local Protestants, and the UDA declared: "Never has Ulster witnessed such licensed sadists and such blatant liars as the 1st Paras.
These gun-happy louts must be removed from the streets". In , John Major , writing to John Hume stated: "The Government made clear in that those who were killed on 'Bloody Sunday' should be regarded as innocent of any allegation that they were shot whilst handling firearms or explosives".
But that was not done as a deliberate malicious act. It was done as an act of war". Many witnesses intended to boycott the tribunal as they lacked faith in Widgery's impartiality, but were eventually persuaded to take part.
Widgery's quickly-produced report—completed within 10 weeks on 10 April and published within 11 weeks on 19 April —supported the Army's account of the events of the day.
Among the evidence presented to the tribunal were the results of paraffin tests, used to identify lead residues from firing weapons, and that nail bombs had been found on the body of one of those killed.
Tests for traces of explosives on the clothes of eleven of the dead proved negative, while those of the remaining man could not be tested as they had already been washed.
It has been argued that firearms residue on some deceased may have come from contact with the soldiers who themselves moved some of the bodies, or that the presence of lead on the hands of one James Wray was easily explained by the fact that his occupation regularly involved the use of lead-based solder.
Most witnesses to the event disputed the report's conclusions and regarded it as a whitewash , the slogan "Widgery washes whiter" - a play on the contemporary advertisement for Daz soap powder - emblazoned on walls in Derry, crystallized the views of many nationalists about the report.
Although there were many IRA men—both Official and Provisional—at the protest, it is claimed they were all unarmed, apparently because it was anticipated that the paratroopers would attempt to "draw them out".
One paratrooper who gave evidence at the tribunal testified that they were told by an officer to expect a gunfight and "We want some kills".
Later identified as a member of the Official IRA, this man was also photographed in the act of drawing his weapon, but was apparently not seen or targeted by the soldiers.
Although British prime minister John Major rejected John Hume's requests for a public inquiry into the killings, his successor, Tony Blair, decided to start one.
A second commission of inquiry, chaired by Lord Saville, was established in January to re-examine Bloody Sunday.
The hearings were concluded in November , and the report was published 15 June Lord Saville declined to comment on the Widgery report and made the point that the Saville Inquiry was a judicial inquiry into Bloody Sunday, not the Widgery Tribunal.
He claimed that McGuinness, the second-in-command of the Provisional IRA in the city at the time, and another anonymous Provisional IRA member gave him bomb parts on the morning of 30 January, the date planned for the civil rights march.
He said his organisation intended to attack city-centre premises in Derry on 30 January. Many observers allege that the Ministry of Defence MoD acted in a way to impede the inquiry.
Additionally, guns used on the day by the soldiers that could have been evidence in the inquiry were lost by the MoD.
By the time the inquiry had retired to write up its findings, it had interviewed over witnesses, over seven years, making it the biggest investigation in British legal history.
The inquiry was expected to report in late but was delayed until after the general election on 6 May The report of the inquiry  was published on 15 June The report concluded, "The firing by soldiers of 1 PARA on Bloody Sunday caused the deaths of 13 people and injury to a similar number, none of whom was posing a threat of causing death or serious injury.
The report concluded that an Official IRA sniper fired on British soldiers, albeit that on the balance of evidence his shot was fired after the Army shots that wounded Damien Donaghey and John Johnston.
The Inquiry rejected the sniper's account that this shot had been made in reprisal, stating the view that he and another Official IRA member had already been in position, and the shot had probably been fired simply because the opportunity had presented itself.
Regarding the soldiers in charge on the day of Bloody Sunday, the Saville Inquiry arrived at the following findings:.
Mr Speaker, I am deeply patriotic. I never want to believe anything bad about our country. I never want to call into question the behaviour of our soldiers and our army, who I believe to be the finest in the world.
And I have seen for myself the very difficult and dangerous circumstances in which we ask our soldiers to serve.
But the conclusions of this report are absolutely clear. There is no doubt, there is nothing equivocal, there are no ambiguities. What happened on Bloody Sunday was both unjustified and unjustifiable.
It was wrong. He was released on bail shortly after. He will also be charged with four attempted murders. Harold Wilson , then the Leader of the Opposition in the House of Commons, reiterated his belief that a united Ireland was the only possible solution to Northern Ireland's Troubles.
Young nationalists became increasingly attracted to violent republican groups. In the following twenty years, the Provisional Irish Republican Army and other smaller republican groups such as the Irish National Liberation Army INLA stepped up their armed campaigns against the state and those seen as being in service to it.
In his speech to the House of Commons on the Inquiry, British prime minister David Cameron stated: "These are shocking conclusions to read and shocking words to have to say.
But you do not defend the British Army by defending the indefensible. He also said that this was not a premeditated action, though "there was no point in trying to soften or equivocate" as "what happened should never, ever have happened".
Cameron then apologised on behalf of the British Government by saying he was "deeply sorry". This event was seen by the British ambassador as inflaming revolutionary activities in Russia and contributing to the Revolution of Media commentary in Britain and the United States was overwhelmingly negative towards the actions of an already unpopular regime.
The writer Leo Tolstoy was emotionally affected by the event,  reflecting the revulsion of liberal, socialist and intellectual opinion within Russia itself.
The immediate consequence of Bloody Sunday was a strike movement that spread throughout the country. Strikes began to erupt outside of St.
In all, about , people participated in the work stoppage during January Between October and April , an estimated 15, peasants and workers were either hanged or shot; 20, were injured and 45, sent into exile.
Perhaps the most significant effect of Bloody Sunday was the drastic change in the attitude of the Russian peasants and workers.
Previously the tsar had been seen as the champion of the people: in dire situations, the masses would appeal to the tsar, traditionally through a petition, and the tsar would respond to his people promising to set things right.
The lower classes placed their faith in the tsar. Any problems that the lower classes faced were associated with the boyars of Russia; however, after Bloody Sunday the tsar was no longer distinguished from the bureaucrats and was held personally responsible for the tragedy that occurred.
Although Bloody Sunday was not initiated as a revolutionary or rebellious movement, the repercussions of the government's reaction laid the foundations for revolution by bringing into question autocracy and the legitimacy of the tsar.
The second movement, entitled "The Ninth of January", is a forceful depiction of the massacre. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
For other events of the same name, see Bloody Sunday disambiguation. Petersburg , Russian Empire. Imperial Guard , cossacks, line infantry.
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Part of the Russian Revolution. To deliver a petition to Czar Nicholas II , calling for reforms such as: limitations on state officials' power, improvements to working conditions and hours, and the introduction of a national parliament.